This chapter reviews the key lessons from the various research papers. In general, it points out that the research supported the hypotheses on which the study is based. The papers thus supported the importance of prestige, international obligations, hemispheric solidarity, and a residual support for the U.S. as motivations. But it also emphasized that the Latin Americans put more weight on the UN Charter than does the U.S. It also reinforced the importance of domestic political issues and considerations. While the research also supported the notion that political will was a necessary condition for participation in a PKO it did not validate its sufficiency. Rather, the lack of capability in terms of resources was shown to be even more important in some cases than political will. Finally, the research showed that there are a significant number of actions that can be taken by the nations of the hemisphere that will increase their individual and collective capacity to conduct PKO and other integrated operations.
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This article presents a reflective description of Bolivia’s participation in the UN-sponsored peacekeeping operations in the Republic of Haiti, in which several Latin American countries are participating. It points out the motives that led the Bolivian government to participate in the operations, and the decisions taken in the various areas of the Executive Branch, National Congress, and National Police Command to send a contingent of police agents to perform advisory and patrol tasks and provide training for Haitian police forces. It also shows the objectives of the participation, both for the Bolivian government and for the police and chiefs and officers that were at the scene of the intervention. In addition, it discusses the possibilities of effectiveness of combined forces in joint peacekeeping tasks and how those experiences can create a regional capability for facing outbreaks of armed confrontations in a timely and effective manner.
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The article centers on the factors that influenced Peru’s decision to participate in the peacekeeping operations in Haiti, as well as the difficulties it had to face in order to implement that decision. Perhaps the most important influencing factor was the reinsertion of the Peruvian Armed Force in the Western military community after years of struggling against Sendero Luminoso, which had led to serious human rights violations. Other important factors were the aim of achieving prestige and a presence on the international stage, the economic advantages to be gained for the troops, the training benefits, and lastly collaboration with the United States in a mission that was of interest to that country.
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This paper intends to provide an understanding of the Brazilian involvement in the UN Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH). To that end, it discusses and reviews, based on public information sources, the Brazilian decision to approve, participate and lead the MINUSTAH task force; describes the political path actually followed for achieving an effective decision-making implementation, emphasizing some controversial issues that were submitted to the National Congress for consideration; and some of the mission’s internal goals are also discussed, with emphasis on certain controversial issues. Some of the conclusions are not in tune with what is usually believed and interpreted in Brazil by the general public: for instance, an existing link, as far as MINUSTAH is concerned, between the more visible Brazilian political goals and any other long-term economic goals; the likelihood of the Brazilian decision altering the country's foreign policy nature, and therefore, facing more resistance in the National Congress for any government decisions; and having a Group of Marines (Fuzileiros Navais) attached to an Army Commander is also identified as a significant innovation in Brazilian military operations.
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This paper aims at making a preliminary analysis of Argentina’s participation in the current United Nations mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH), stressing the lessons observed to date, in order to state recommendations and parameters for policy-makers that help to strengthen the capabilities both of Argentina and of the region for participation in peacekeeping operations within the context of Hemisphere cooperation. The work includes an analysis of the effectiveness of combined forces and basic requirements to be considered in order to strengthen regional cooperation at the strategic and operational levels in order to face the challenges this type of activity now presents.
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Contributing to PKO in Haiti is important to the Canadian government because of commitments to multilateral institutions and interventions; the risk of gangs, drugs and refugees overflowing to the region; and the critical role Haitian immigrant voters play in Canadian politics. Intelligence and design of options for the mission were undertaken by a team of officials from foreign affairs, international aid, defence, and the national police forces - shaped via an interactive dialogue with the UNDPKO as it put MINUSTAH together - and decided by the Prime Minister. Slow progress in establishing civil order and effective democratic institutions indicates the need for better designed interventions based on in-depth knowledge and engagement with Haitian society, and its potential progress in governance.
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This study considers the use of multinational force to assist in rectifying Haiti’s political woes by exploring two research questions: "How did Haiti’s security situation evolve into its present situation?" and "How effective has multinational force been in assisting the government of Haiti in its quest for democracy?" By properly analyzing these queries, the Haiti case may yield valuable lessons that will serve to inform hemispheric nation-states seeking to build capacity for the conduct of current and future multinational peacekeeping missions.
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On February 29, 2004, only ten years after the United States last intervened in Haiti to reinstall President Jean Bertrand Aristide, U.S. military forces once again entered Haiti to stabilize the country after President Aristide fled as violence gripped the country. However, unlike the 20,000 troops, significant resources, and ambitious objectives of Operation Uphold Democracy in 1994, the recent intervention was executed with a much smaller force, with much more limited United States government goals, objectives, and expectations. This paper will analyze the events leading to the U.S. decision to intervene and the rationale to limit US objectives and participation. It will then examine the planning, organization, objectives, and effectiveness of the Multinational Interim Force’s (MIF) and the transfer of responsibility to the UN stabilization force. The paper will conclude with recommendations on how the US may build upon and strengthen the demonstrated capacity for collective security operations for Latin America and the Caribbean in the future.
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