This article reviews the current status of obligatory military service in Chile and the current discussions regarding the transformation of the Armed Forces to an all professional force. The author discusses not only the current status in Chile, but also the reforms underway in Argentina and Peru, as well as broader global tendencies in the beginnings of the 21st century. The author argues that the Chilean reform is not as visionary as reforms taking place elsewhere. Instead of eliminating obligatory military service altogether, the Chilean reform is looking to replace obligatory military service with some sort of obligatory social service so that Chilean youth can fulfill their obligation to society. The article presents some possible directions the Chilean reform might take, and concludes that in order to reform the military service, Latin American countries need to first assess the type of armed forces they require today and in the future.
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This article considers the advances of a research project about Comparative Defense Systems, sponsored by the Social Sciences and Humanities University Center of the University of Guadalajara, Mexico. The first section discusses different understandings of the concept of security, because of its ambiguity and complexity, and the missions of the Armed Forces. The second section takes on the role of the Mexican military, based on its missions and functions. In particular, special treatment in given to the direct participation of the military in police and security forces functions (a tendency called militarization of public security); efforts to combat narcotics trafficking and the counter-insurgency war, which allows the Mexican Armed Forces acquire arms training and combat experience, which is considered an important qualitative factor. Finally, the third section questions the future of national defense and its military instrument in Mexico through analysis of the lack of correspondence between national defense and foreign policy; the operational organization, struture and deployment of the Armed Forces; the human factor; the lack of a joint doctrine; the defense system and internal security, among other topics. The paper ends with some unanswered questions in the subject, in hopes of generating public debate about the role of the Armed Forces and a clear definition of National Security.
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This article seeks to identify the attitudes that the governments of Argentina, Brazil, Canada, Chile, the United States and Mexico have adopted toward the redefinition of the concept, and of the institutions of hemispheric security that are being developed in the Hemispheric Security Commission (HSC) of the Organization of American States (OAS). Based on the documents from the April 20-21, 1999, and March 20-21, 2000, sessions of the HSC, the article established the positions of these countries regarding five questions: their evaluation of the current state of security in the Americas; those phenomenon that each country considers to be a so-called "new threat," or "non-traditional threat" to hemispheric security; the proposals the countries make about the conceptualization of inter-american security; the evaluation and proposals of reform of the Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance and the Inter-American Defense Board; and, the role that each country believes the OAS - specifically the HSC - in the process of redefining the Inter-American security system. Finally, the agreements and disagreements between these countries on these issues are analyzed.
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The article analyzes the regulatory legal framework of the relationship between the Armed Forces and Congress, and the role of the Ministry of Defense. This analysis considers the cultural and political factors that make up this framework. The analysis concludes that the authority of the President of the Republic has been, and will continue to be an element of utmost relevance in the conformation of the standards that regulate the relationships of power, affecting the influence and authority of the Congress over the Armed Forces. Nevertheless, the study shows the existence of series of standards that allow for a fluid relationship between the Legislative Branch and the military, at least in terms of establishing information and communication channels for carrying out legislative oversight and investigation. These norms, however, limit the work of Congress in budgetary matters, and in the organization and composition of the military force. Finally, this article proposes to advance toward greater institutionalization of this relationship, strengthening the advisory function of the authorities called to participate in these, as well as creating procedures so that the Ministry of National Defense may participate effectively in this relationship.
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This article briefly describes the law as pertained to obligatory military service in Peru between 1823 and 2000. From there the author goes on to describe the recent reforms to obligatory service made by the Peruvian legislature. The author indicates that global changes in attitude toward obligatory service, as well as the changing situation in Peru were factors in the decision to overhaul the laws regarding obligatory service. The article discusses some of the particular changes made by the law, which took effect January 1, 2000, and indicates that, unlike the tendency in other countries, however, the Peruvian reform is not seeking to establish a completely professional military. Instead the new Peruvian model is one of a rotational volunteer service in which enlisted personnel would receive occupational training for their eventual, productive reincorporation into Peruvian society.
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The article discusses the concept of national security and the problems generated by the political tensions between individual security and state security in the contemporary world. Even recognizing that the modern state is simultaneously a source of threats as well as a source of security to individuals, it seems that the very nature of the international system and national societies renders collective security incompatible with individual welfare. This requires us to live as best as we can with the inherent tensions of the concept of national security. To demonstrate that these tensions are real political problems and not just semantics, the article analyses the liberal tendency?based on legal positivism?to legally define situations in which governments could allege reasons of national security, as well as more recent tendencies to substitute the concept of national security with the notion of individual security. In conclusion, I provisionally adopt the perspective of the "theory of security complexes" as an alternative to the authoritarian, liberal and post-modern positions in the analysis of security matters.
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