Now more than ever, Latin America needs help with its security. In 2023, more than 40 of the world’s 50 most murderous cities were in Latin America and the Caribbean. Washington should again embrace the worldview that it can best protect its own security by helping democratic neighbors advance theirs. It can do so by drawing on the lessons of decades of U.S. security policy in the Americas but also by determining how those policies can be revised and improved. This article for Foreign Affairs explores the recent history of U.S. security assistance in Latin America and the Caribbean, highlighting the successes and failures in places such as El Salvador, Colombia, and Mexico. The article then addresses why such U.S. assistance continues to underdeliver, noting that the success of security assistance depends on leaders and organizations that the United States can sometimes influence but rarely control. Likewise, although the governments and security agencies on the receiving end provide convenient scapegoats when U.S. security assistance fails, Washington’s own bureaucracy shares the blame. To this end, the article concludes that Washington must remove its own bureaucratic barriers to strengthening security ties. Minimizing delivery timelines, committing to multiyear investments, and synchronizing priorities across U.S. government agencies would enhance the United States’ credibility as a reliable partner. The long history of U.S. security ties in the region provides a strong foundation for regional enthusiasm for U.S. initiatives. But whether such valuable programs can truly achieve results will depend on whether Washington can learn from past mistakes and overcome the bureaucratic and political limitations that have previously held it back.
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In this article, the authors assert that North America is uniquely positioned to lead the way in WPS implementation. USNORTHCOM is fortunate to have strong, reliable Women, Peace and Security (WPS) partnerships with Canada, Mexico and the Bahamas, as well as strong regional partnerships with the Ted Stevens Center for Arctic Security, the Western Hemisphere Institute of Security Cooperation, the William J. Perry Center for Hemispheric Defense Studies and the Inter-American Defense Board. The lessons learned from USNORTHCOM's unique deployment of gender advisors during Operation Allies Welcome (OAW) (Afghan resettlement) continue to shape the future of the DOD gender advisory workforce and expand the operational contexts considered for the implementation of WPS across the department and interagency. WPS provides an asymmetric advantage in strategic competition. Investing in and leveraging the talents of all our people strengthens our democracy and partnerships with like-minded nations. Modeling diversity and inclusion and prioritizing protection of vulnerable populations bolsters our national resilience. This enhances our credibility on the world stage and ensures our competitive advantages.

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In this article for US Northern Command’s magazine, The Watch, Dr. William Godnick describes the contours and challenges faced at the United States’ "third border" in the Caribbean, specifically the multi-island state of the Bahamas. Dr. Godnick outlines the long-standing bilateral relationship between the United States and the Bahamas and how increased Chinese investment presents a new set of challenges for the relationship. He calls for re-thinking how security cooperation relationships should be forged with high, middle-income countries to avoid security gaps in our shared neighborhood.

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Dialogues with the Perry Center, Season 2, Episode 3: In this episode, hosted by Perry Center Professor Luis Bitencourt, we celebrate the Center’s 27th anniversary. Dr. Bitencourt welcomes US Army (ret.) Colonel and founding director John “Jay” Cope to discuss the inception and development of the Center for Hemispheric Defense Studies, later renamed the William J. Perry Center for Hemispheric Defense Studies. This special English-language episode includes Spanish subtitles.

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Plan Colombia and the Mérida Initiative are the two most significant US security assistance efforts in Latin America in the twenty-first century. At a time when US objectives in the Middle East and Central Asia were flagging, Colombia was a rare US foreign policy victory—a showcase for stabilization and security sector reform. Conversely, Mexico struggled to turn the tide on the country's scourge of crime and violence, even with an influx of resources aimed at professionalizing the country's security, defense, and judicial institutions.

As Washington reconsiders its approach to stabilizing crisis countries after a challenging withdrawal from Afghanistan, From Peril to Partnership's comparative analysis of Colombia and Mexico offers lessons for scholars and policymakers alike, providing insights into the efficacy of US security assistance and the necessary conditions and stakeholders in partner nations that facilitate success. Crucially, private sector support, interparty consensus on security policies, and the centralization of the security bureaucracy underpinned Colombia's success. The absence of these features in Mexico contributed to the country's descent into chaos, culminating in the country's highest-ever homicide rate by the end of the 2010s.

Drawing on extensive fieldwork, From Peril to Partnership evaluates to what extent security assistance programs helped improve the operational effectiveness and democratic accountability of Washington's partners—Colombian and Mexican security forces. It answers why Plan Colombia achieved its objectives and why the Mérida Initiative underdelivered in Mexico. Most importantly, it goes beyond drug war theatrics and the “one-size-fits-all” approach to US-led stabilization—at once, restoring agency to institutions on the receiving end of US security assistance and helping chart a course toward more nuanced and effective US policy.

Angelo, Paul. From Peril to Partnership: US Security Assistance and the Bid to Stabilize Colombia and Mexico. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2024.

Only available commercially

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Dr. Paterson’s article shares the results of the William J. Perry Center for Hemispheric Defense Studies threats survey conducted in late 2022. The survey generated almost 650 responses from Perry Center graduates who selected from 35 threats in the Americas. The results illuminate how leading Latin American and Caribbean scholars – particularly those who work in the security and defense field – see the conditions in the Americas and can help inform policy makers and scholars who follow events in the Americas.

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In celebration of Women’s History Month and as part of the Perry Center’s 2024 Inclusive Security and Defense course, Dr. Arturo Sotomayor moderated a discussion with retired General Linda Urrutia-Varhall. The Perry Center is pleased to share excerpts from this conversation, which honors General Urrutia-Varhall’s distinguished career, accomplishments, and mentorship. This tribute highlights the inspiring power and resilience demonstrated by women across the Americas.

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Dr. Patrick Paterson, Associate Dean for Research and Publications at the WJPC, has published a fascinating almanac that compiles the most historically significant events in Latin America and the Caribbean from 1800-2020, containing vignettes of more than 700 events organized per month and specific calendar day. It focuses on major political and security incidents starting from the period of independence—including armed conflicts, famous battles, births and deaths of important figures, military coups, significant presidential elections, and independence dates.

Also included are detailed appendices addressing important economic, political, and social conditions, as well as an index with over 2,000 keywords.

Paterson, Patrick. The Almanac of Latin American History, Political and Security Events from 1800 to the Present, Rowman & Littlefield, 2024.

Only available commercially

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Latin America and the Caribbean are home to just 9 percent of the global population but account for a third of the world's homicides. A lethal mix of drugs, readily available firearms, and unemployed youth is fueling a wave of violence that has taken on epidemic proportions. Ecuador is now ground zero for the region's gang brutality. Whether Quito succeeds in containing the violence will depend as much on how it manages corruption and political instability as it does on the brute force called upon to suppress organized crime. The region's downward spiral need not be a chronicle of a death foretold. In Ecuador, newfound national resolve and emerging offers of international cooperation can be an effective antidote to expanding gang violence. Indeed, the success of one of South America's smallest countries in dismantling gangs and the corrupt institutions that protect them could be a promising start in turning the tide on Latin America's new crime wave.
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Food insecurity is an urgent problem in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC), and the LAC region’s susceptibility to food insecurity is poised to worsen with the accelerating effects of climate change. Food insecurity is not in itself a phenomenon that necessitates a military response. Indeed, food insecurity is “not” a traditional security threat to territorial borders and national sovereignty. Rather, it should be seen as an amplifier of political, economic, social, and ecological strain and vulnerabilities that can be exploited by malign actors and, thus, contributing to heightened security concerns. In this view, investments in food security should be considered as necessary, proactive, and preventative security measures, in support of civilian government agencies and the private and nonprofit sectors. Through a limited role focused on humanitarian assistance, disaster response, and interagency and international collaboration, the United States can leverage the capacities and resources of the DOD to support its regional partners in combating food insecurity. Anything less would risk losing a strategic, humanitarian, and moral imperative.

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