The text summarizes the review of research on education in the Brazilian Navy, focusing on the Course on Maritime Policy and Strategies (C-PEM). Some of the key arguments regarding the current world military profession and education are introduced as well as their effects on the Brazilian situation. Finally, some considerations are presented on the current organization of the course, within the context of changes in homeland defense, highlighting some political-educational aspects of the relationship with Brazilian society.
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This paper reviews the relationship between Defense and the federal public budget, with the objective of checking compliance with formally stated goals. In spite of its relevance, the Brazilian public budget gives more emphasis to financial information, to the detriment of operational or strategic information. Nevertheless, the public budget does allow the observation of certain occurrences. Defense and supply are disconnected, the latter characterized as an expense element. Defense-related programs were not regarded as strategic in the multi-annual plan, in force in 2001. Moreover, in the corresponding multi-annual plan there is an apparent overlap between the activities of each branch of service, and there is no special reference to defense-related diplomatic activities or intelligence. There is also some evidence of rescheduling of the 2001 budget elements, while maintaining values within additional limitations. The most serious discrepancy is in the lack of association between diplomatic relations and the national defense function, without any evidence of budget values in the attached detailed report, despite policy and legal direction. These issues point out subjects that should be given more attention by national planning and control in Brazil.
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The latest international developments require changes in the defense policies of any country. In the case of Brazil, this requirement is deeper since the National Defense Policy Document (Documento de PolÃtica de Defesa Nacional- DPDN), from 1996, does not achieve the functions of a real defense policy. In September 20th of 2001, the Brazilian Minister of Defense Geraldo Quintão spoke in favor of specific elements to a new approach for the national defense. The Minister’s pronunciation mentioned the construction of a system of rapid deployment forces (RDF) in conjunction with a regional security structure. The purpose of this paper is to offer statements in support of this new approach. The paper analyzes the differences between the Minister’s defense policy approach and the DPDN of 1996 and also analyzes the United States RDF system. The paper concludes that the Minister’s pronunciation was a real advance in relation to the DPDN in all aspects of a defense policy. It also defends that the RDF system can offer timely conceptual contributions to Brazil. The paper recommends that a Governmental strategic evaluation may be more accurate in order to provide better political parameters to the military action planning of the Brazilian armed forces. Second, just through clear military action planning and a joint command and planning structure, it may be possible to concept a force design that provide the necessary national military capacities.
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This paper discusses the enrollment of women and homosexuals in the Armed Forces of South American and NATO countries. There are discrepancies in the discussion of this issue in both groups of countries. It seems to be easier for the military to deal with the enrollment of women than to accept the enrollment of homosexuals. The paper conducts a detailed analysis of the development of this issue in Brazil, because this is the country where the writer of this paper has the larger bulk of information and the one that, militarily speaking, is the most important in South America. This is a preliminary study, and some data are lacking, precisely due to the fact that there has not been a widespread academic debate on the issue at hand. However, the purpose of this paper is to encourage discussion, to disseminate previously collected information and to present a number of possible viewpoints.
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The purpose of this paper is to assess the extent to which the Ministry of Defense, an institution of critical importance for today's societies, is impacting civil-military relations in Brazil. Ultimately, this translates into a strengthening of civil controls geared toward achieving civil supremacy over the Armed Forces, which are a fundamental tool that the government has at its disposal. The process of establishing and implementing a Ministry of Defense is not linear, but winding. It depends both on the policies adopted by the Ministry of Defense itself and on the relationships established among the military personnel, the Government and the rest of society. After a brief analysis of the problem and of the Brazilian situation, we tried to examine the "hits and misses" of the Ministry of Defense in connection with civil-military relations in Brazil. We also looked at the organization of the defense system in our country. Indeed, Brazil is still far from a situation where civil supremacy is a reality, notwithstanding the fact that major gaps in the "echelons" of civil supremacy are being bridged. Since the creation and implementation of a Ministry of Defense is a process, the decisive involvement of the country?s politicians and of large segments of the civil society become necessary in order to do away with much of the apathy that Brazil is currently experiencing.
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This article provides a general introduction for the so-called intelligence activities. Intelligence means the collection, analysis and dissemination of information needed by policy makers and decision takers. But it does not include all kinds of information or data in general, since intelligence is part of a conflict dealing with denial of knowledge and secrets. The unique methods, procedures, technologies and techniques of intelligence make it more relevant in some fields than others. National defense, foreign policy and law enforcement are the main users of intelligence. The article also addresses the tensions between intelligence and democracy and the expected impacts of the intelligence in peace and war.
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Universal obligatory military service in Brazil was instituted in 1908 by Hermes da Fonseca, then-Minister of War. Before this, the draft was not systematic, and was often applied in an arbitrary fashion. However, obligatory military service was only effectively begun after an extensive national campaign, initiated by the "Young Turks" - low-ranking Army officers who had been trained in Germany and became advocates of various reforms. They believed that obligatory military service would only be put into practice through a national campaign undertaken by civilians and military personnel. At this point, the National Defense League was created, composed of Brazil's political and literary luminaries who would disseminate the concepts of compulsory military service and civic duty. Military service was always considered fundamental for the formation of the "Concept of Patriotism" amongst youth. With this initiative, obligatory military service was into effect in 1916. Few modifications were made afterwards. Following the military regime (1964-1985) there were some steps taken to end obligatory military service. Suggestions from the Armed Forces were put into effect. The only important change made in the Consitution of 1988 was the provision for conscientious objection. Despite having ruled in Brazil for 20 years, the armed forces still enjoy social prestige, and there have been no consistent arguments against obligatory military service. Some changes have occured, however, these are at the initiative of the armed forces. The armed forces defend maintaining the draft, in order not to lose touch with young people and, to prevent a rift between society and the armed forces. Yet, the Army has been undertaking significant changes, tending toward the delineation of a mixed system--one that combines voluntary with obligatory service.
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Today in Brazil there is a consensus regarding the need to promote substantive changes to our current system of public security. The historical disinterest, intentional or not, among the political class and our elite regarding the strategic importance of police organizations in supporting individual and collective guarantees, is a position that can no longer be defended in the public arena. The public security system forcibly succumbed to the pressures of Brazilian society to provide services capable of accompanying the demands of citizenship extended to all Brazilians. With that, the disinterest did not fail to contribute to the crystalization of an unprecedented institutional crisis. Modern police, perhaps more than any other agency of defense and social control, became extremely permeable and sensitive to the constant transformations of Brazilian society. Among the more polemic issues that spur public debate about the reform of the Brazilian police, the educational formation of the military police stands out. The creation of a discussion forum involving all those who might directly or indirectly contribute to reforming police education, is one of many possibilities to build creative and viable solutions.
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The article discusses the concept of national security and the problems generated by the political tensions between individual security and state security in the contemporary world. Even recognizing that the modern state is simultaneously a source of threats as well as a source of security to individuals, it seems that the very nature of the international system and national societies renders collective security incompatible with individual welfare. This requires us to live as best as we can with the inherent tensions of the concept of national security. To demonstrate that these tensions are real political problems and not just semantics, the article analyses the liberal tendency?based on legal positivism?to legally define situations in which governments could allege reasons of national security, as well as more recent tendencies to substitute the concept of national security with the notion of individual security. In conclusion, I provisionally adopt the perspective of the "theory of security complexes" as an alternative to the authoritarian, liberal and post-modern positions in the analysis of security matters.
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