Universal obligatory military service in Brazil was instituted in 1908 by Hermes da Fonseca, then-Minister of War. Before this, the draft was not systematic, and was often applied in an arbitrary fashion. However, obligatory military service was only effectively begun after an extensive national campaign, initiated by the "Young Turks" - low-ranking Army officers who had been trained in Germany and became advocates of various reforms. They believed that obligatory military service would only be put into practice through a national campaign undertaken by civilians and military personnel. At this point, the National Defense League was created, composed of Brazil's political and literary luminaries who would disseminate the concepts of compulsory military service and civic duty. Military service was always considered fundamental for the formation of the "Concept of Patriotism" amongst youth. With this initiative, obligatory military service was into effect in 1916. Few modifications were made afterwards. Following the military regime (1964-1985) there were some steps taken to end obligatory military service. Suggestions from the Armed Forces were put into effect. The only important change made in the Consitution of 1988 was the provision for conscientious objection. Despite having ruled in Brazil for 20 years, the armed forces still enjoy social prestige, and there have been no consistent arguments against obligatory military service. Some changes have occured, however, these are at the initiative of the armed forces. The armed forces defend maintaining the draft, in order not to lose touch with young people and, to prevent a rift between society and the armed forces. Yet, the Army has been undertaking significant changes, tending toward the delineation of a mixed system--one that combines voluntary with obligatory service.
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Canada's armed forces have a unique policy of openness and accessibility, implemented in 1998 to restore flagging public confidence in the country?s military after a series of debilitating public relations failures in the mid-1990s. These were largely the result of incidents of bad behaviour among troops on a UN deployment in 1992. Although the policy is welcome, it has not removed some of the old difficulties which reporters typically experience when trying to get information from government departments.
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This article considers the advances of a research project about Comparative Defense Systems, sponsored by the Social Sciences and Humanities University Center of the University of Guadalajara, Mexico. The first section discusses different understandings of the concept of security, because of its ambiguity and complexity, and the missions of the Armed Forces. The second section takes on the role of the Mexican military, based on its missions and functions. In particular, special treatment in given to the direct participation of the military in police and security forces functions (a tendency called militarization of public security); efforts to combat narcotics trafficking and the counter-insurgency war, which allows the Mexican Armed Forces acquire arms training and combat experience, which is considered an important qualitative factor. Finally, the third section questions the future of national defense and its military instrument in Mexico through analysis of the lack of correspondence between national defense and foreign policy; the operational organization, struture and deployment of the Armed Forces; the human factor; the lack of a joint doctrine; the defense system and internal security, among other topics. The paper ends with some unanswered questions in the subject, in hopes of generating public debate about the role of the Armed Forces and a clear definition of National Security.
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The article analyzes the regulatory legal framework of the relationship between the Armed Forces and Congress, and the role of the Ministry of Defense. This analysis considers the cultural and political factors that make up this framework. The analysis concludes that the authority of the President of the Republic has been, and will continue to be an element of utmost relevance in the conformation of the standards that regulate the relationships of power, affecting the influence and authority of the Congress over the Armed Forces. Nevertheless, the study shows the existence of series of standards that allow for a fluid relationship between the Legislative Branch and the military, at least in terms of establishing information and communication channels for carrying out legislative oversight and investigation. These norms, however, limit the work of Congress in budgetary matters, and in the organization and composition of the military force. Finally, this article proposes to advance toward greater institutionalization of this relationship, strengthening the advisory function of the authorities called to participate in these, as well as creating procedures so that the Ministry of National Defense may participate effectively in this relationship.
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