Americans are so committed to elections and democracy as the only legitimate path to political power that it is sometimes hard to conceive of politics by other means. Moreover US policy-makers tend to believe that elections occupy a higher realm of moral authority, and hope that, with democracy-assistance programs, Latin America and other developing areas will "move beyond" revolutions, coup d'états, general strikes, and other non-electoral routes to power. But as the Silvert quote below indicates, non-electoral paths may still be pursued especially in crisis circumstances; furthermore, these extra-electoral means may enjoy both legitimacy and constitutional mandate. In this article we test these propositions as they apply in Latin America.
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This paper examines the Honduran Coup of 2009 as a case study of the application of the Organization of American States Inter-American Democratic Charter. The Charter, unanimously approved by the Organization in September 2001, consolidated and built upon earlier OAS efforts to support and defend democracy in the hemisphere. The study highlights the steps taken by the OAS and its member states and examines the difficulties multilateral organizations have in trying to effect democratic changes inside of a state. While the OAS took the severest actions permitted by the accord, the coup was not reversed. The sanctions remained in place nearly two years afterwards.
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This academic paper provides an analysis of the regional concerns and challenges presented in the Declaration of Santa Cruz de la Sierra, as a result of the IX Conference of Defense Ministers of the Americas (CDMA) held in Bolivia in 2010. It focuses on the importance of cooperation in defense and security matters in the region, specifically in the advancement of the implementation of measures of confidence promotion and security recently approved by the South American Defense Council (SDC) of the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR).
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The issue of civil-military relations has traditionally addressed, as such, the processes of civil-military relations. But the current context in Latin America demands that we separate these processes and understand their differentiation, incidence and influence. It is in the Ministries of Defense where these processes are best exemplified. In the vertical sense, it is the political-military relationship, as a dimension of power, where politicians must exercise the political leadership of defense and all its implications, and the military, as direct advisors to the subject, and executors of the military policy with political supervision. And civil-military relations, as a horizontal dimension, do not imply any relationship of power, but of knowledge. In some countries where defense communities have been created, they can be a space for consultation on this policy and other issues of interest to defense and military affairs.
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This article focuses on demonstrating the direct relationship between governability and security in Latin America, based on the role of democratic institutions. A description of the region's socio-political framework is the basis for an accurate definition of these concepts understood as desired consequences, while it also reveals the structural sources of the difficulties in order to successfully achieve these goals. The fundamental premise is that the value of institutions must be recovered, because it is only through creating the opportunity for collective action that social interactions take form beyond private intention. Institutions are the nexus between effective governability and formal security perceived as authentic, because they embody three elements that lead to the achievement of these results: social containment, representation and confidence.
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This study considers the use of multinational force to assist in rectifying Haiti’s political woes by exploring two research questions: "How did Haiti’s security situation evolve into its present situation?" and "How effective has multinational force been in assisting the government of Haiti in its quest for democracy?" By properly analyzing these queries, the Haiti case may yield valuable lessons that will serve to inform hemispheric nation-states seeking to build capacity for the conduct of current and future multinational peacekeeping missions.
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On February 29, 2004, only ten years after the United States last intervened in Haiti to reinstall President Jean Bertrand Aristide, U.S. military forces once again entered Haiti to stabilize the country after President Aristide fled as violence gripped the country. However, unlike the 20,000 troops, significant resources, and ambitious objectives of Operation Uphold Democracy in 1994, the recent intervention was executed with a much smaller force, with much more limited United States government goals, objectives, and expectations. This paper will analyze the events leading to the U.S. decision to intervene and the rationale to limit US objectives and participation. It will then examine the planning, organization, objectives, and effectiveness of the Multinational Interim Force’s (MIF) and the transfer of responsibility to the UN stabilization force. The paper will conclude with recommendations on how the US may build upon and strengthen the demonstrated capacity for collective security operations for Latin America and the Caribbean in the future.
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