Two events in 2008 brought about substantial changes in the international system: the Russian invasion of Georgia and the international financial crisis, both of which highlighted the powerlessness of international institutions to deal with such events. The war in Georgia made it clear that unilateral US measures, including an American deployment in traditionally Russian zones of influence, revitalized the country's relations with the members of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, in order to propose a regional vision on international security issues. On the other hand, the financial crisis originating in the United States has had repercussions on the world economy, causing, among other things, the volatility of international commodity prices and the retraction of investments in emerging economies. Governments are trying to apply corrective measures ad intra while seeking, externally, to create conditions to stabilize the financial situation from a cooperative perspective. In this context, American hegemony without the multilateralist complement, which means having international legitimacy, is an invitation to generate strategic counterweights. From the perspective of critical realism of geostrategic unilateralism, such as that of the Iraq war, could argue that if the world is to be governed, multilateralism is the way to go.
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This essay analyzes the relations between the People's Republic of China (PRC) and Colombia in the strategic context of the region. It begins with an analysis of why growing relations between China and the region are a key security and defense issue, despite the mainly economic nature of the relationship. It continues with an analysis of China's strategic interests in Colombia within the framework of general interests in the region, which include access to primary products, access to markets, isolating Taiwan, and fostering a secure environment for China's rise in the world. He concludes that relations between Colombia and the People's Republic of China in recent years have been primarily commercial in nature, with multiple strategic implications for Colombia, including the evolution of its trade structure, the increase in human trafficking, and the indirect empowerment of irregular forces and external threats in its neighborhood, and that China-Colombia-US relations should be understood as a triangle in which the development of one party impacts the others, but with opportunities to collaborate, including defense and criminality issues that involve the entire region.
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In this paper, we examine whether the 1990s neoliberal reforms, commonly known as the Washington Consensus, which many Latin American nations implemented, ultimately impacted US national security. Given the rise of leftist regimes in Argentina and Venezuela coupled with the distancing of former allies in Brazil and Chile, we ask whether these reforms, meant to strengthen US national security, harmed it instead. We briefly review the literature on the causes of the Latin American economic crises, which led to the Washington Consensus and explore the various methods of reform implementation in four countries of strategic interest to the United States: Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Venezuela. Examining whether the reforms, in general, were successful, we consider competing theories on the success (or the failure) of the reforms in these countries. Reviewing evidence on the reforms' impact on these nations, we discuss whether or not the reforms should be abandoned. We find that while stakeholders held competing objectives and divergent opinions existed on the scope, type, and speed of the reforms, the reforms appear to have improved economic growth and reduced poverty. We argue that, despite associating neoliberal reforms with increasing anti-American sentiment, Latin American support for free trade and other aspects of the neoliberal reforms remains strong. For this reason, we argue that the United States should reinvigorate support for these reforms.
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This paper intends to provide an understanding of the Brazilian involvement in the UN Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH). To that end, it discusses and reviews, based on public information sources, the Brazilian decision to approve, participate and lead the MINUSTAH task force; describes the political path actually followed for achieving an effective decision-making implementation, emphasizing some controversial issues that were submitted to the National Congress for consideration; and some of the mission’s internal goals are also discussed, with emphasis on certain controversial issues. Some of the conclusions are not in tune with what is usually believed and interpreted in Brazil by the general public: for instance, an existing link, as far as MINUSTAH is concerned, between the more visible Brazilian political goals and any other long-term economic goals; the likelihood of the Brazilian decision altering the country's foreign policy nature, and therefore, facing more resistance in the National Congress for any government decisions; and having a Group of Marines (Fuzileiros Navais) attached to an Army Commander is also identified as a significant innovation in Brazilian military operations.
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It is the tragic events of September 11, 2001 what set a before and after in terms of hemispheric and international security. This long anticipated "catastrophic or massive terrorism" showed up in the one country that rules international security. From then on, there has been an accelerated development of reflections or thoughts that have been shaping a true long-term Grand Strategy with such significance that it has been compared to the ones developed during the early days of the Cold War. The destabilizing mix of "terrorist governments" and "villains", international terrorist networks, and their tactical or strategic partners, whether at regional or national levels, and the non-conventional weapon proliferation have become a main concern for many coming decades. Under such context, the National Security Strategy (NSS) provides a sharp and sophisticated review of the interaction and cooperation between international terrorism and organized crime, as well as the need to limit the spread of "ungoverned regions or areas" and "weak governments" where this non-governmental actors may be based. Given the nature of these threats, any bilateral and multilateral cooperation efforts for security purposes, defense policies and any funding and goods flows acquire crucial significance. Under such context, the Rule of Law and strength of a democratic government, together with its institutions, become strategically important for any non-governmental enemies that regard such "weak governments" and "non-liberal democracies" as fertile ground for their actions.
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