The world is perplexed at the changes that are inexorably and definitively altering the way it operates. This is partially revealed in the technological progress achieved in the last fifteen years. But the change is not only technological; it is also human, and we believe that therein lies part of the solution. The speed at which this change has occurred and will continue to occur is the fundamental feature of the process we are experiencing and will put most, if not all, existing paradigms to the test. It is therefore worthwhile to ask ourselves what will motivate the leaders of these organizations to recognize the existence of change as an increasingly widespread cultural phenomenon, to embrace its philosophy and promote the appropriate changes to align themselves with reality. The final result would be forces designed with a high degree of interoperability, able to interact with other forces on a regional level. Modernization, transformation, both or neither? A conceptual approach to this fascinating topic will allow us to clarify ideas, to ultimately ensure that interoperability is not the problem; it is simply part of the solution.
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The author analyzes the evolution of Ecuador's security agenda from its historical roots to its most recent development during the conflict with Peru and the effects of the conflict on the Colombian border. The author maintains that Ecuador's security agenda was historically focused on the hypotheses of a conventional conflict with Peru and was based on its military forces playing a guardianship and social integration role, which helped the general populace identify with issues of security and defense. For these reasons, Ecuador's military forces sought to be essentially dissuasive against the military superiority of the country's neighbors. However, the conception of Ecuador's security and defense was to change direction in the late 1990s, as it turned its attention to the threats represented by the rise of Colombia's internal conflict on Ecuador's border. The weakness of the President Uribe Vélez' democratic security strategy on the Colombia-Ecuador border and the influence of the United States government will be fundamental in the formation of this new security agenda. Paradoxically, however, becoming involved in the Colombian conflict can have negative consequences for Ecuador's security. Although Ecuador denounces the detrimental effects of the Colombia plan for Ecuador's security, it seeks to simultaneously benefit from the Andean Regional Initiative that has similar purposes. The Ecuadorian state seems to have traditionally focused its security agenda on external threats, while the country's great internal, political and economic instability is perhaps the more significant source of insecurity that has also hindered the establishment of a policy for a coherent and lasting defense.
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This article addresses the relationship between security and economics in Brazil, from an historical perspective inspired by the ideas of Barry Buzan. After identifying the theoretical approach underlying the analysis, it identifies three historical scenarios: the rise of development populism within the framework of the New State of Getúlio Vargas; the import substitution model prevailing from the early post war period to the late 1980s; and lastly, the establishment of the Bureaucratic State and the adoption of the doctrine of national security. It concludes with a brief overview of the economic security project of the present era, dealing with the growth of MERCOSUR and sustainable development of the Amazon region, as well as regional integration agreements.
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The latest international developments require changes in the defense policies of any country. In the case of Brazil, this requirement is deeper since the National Defense Policy Document (Documento de Política de Defesa Nacional- DPDN), from 1996, does not achieve the functions of a real defense policy. In September 20th of 2001, the Brazilian Minister of Defense Geraldo Quintão spoke in favor of specific elements to a new approach for the national defense. The Minister’s pronunciation mentioned the construction of a system of rapid deployment forces (RDF) in conjunction with a regional security structure. The purpose of this paper is to offer statements in support of this new approach. The paper analyzes the differences between the Minister’s defense policy approach and the DPDN of 1996 and also analyzes the United States RDF system. The paper concludes that the Minister’s pronunciation was a real advance in relation to the DPDN in all aspects of a defense policy. It also defends that the RDF system can offer timely conceptual contributions to Brazil. The paper recommends that a Governmental strategic evaluation may be more accurate in order to provide better political parameters to the military action planning of the Brazilian armed forces. Second, just through clear military action planning and a joint command and planning structure, it may be possible to concept a force design that provide the necessary national military capacities.
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The purpose of this paper is to assess the extent to which the Ministry of Defense, an institution of critical importance for today's societies, is impacting civil-military relations in Brazil. Ultimately, this translates into a strengthening of civil controls geared toward achieving civil supremacy over the Armed Forces, which are a fundamental tool that the government has at its disposal. The process of establishing and implementing a Ministry of Defense is not linear, but winding. It depends both on the policies adopted by the Ministry of Defense itself and on the relationships established among the military personnel, the Government and the rest of society. After a brief analysis of the problem and of the Brazilian situation, we tried to examine the "hits and misses" of the Ministry of Defense in connection with civil-military relations in Brazil. We also looked at the organization of the defense system in our country. Indeed, Brazil is still far from a situation where civil supremacy is a reality, notwithstanding the fact that major gaps in the "echelons" of civil supremacy are being bridged. Since the creation and implementation of a Ministry of Defense is a process, the decisive involvement of the country?s politicians and of large segments of the civil society become necessary in order to do away with much of the apathy that Brazil is currently experiencing.
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Since Independence in the early 1960s, there have been considerable changes in the international and regional environments, many of which have tremendous implications for the security of the countries of the Caribbean. Associated with some of these changes are the problems of increased trafficking in guns and drugs, the development of transnational organized crime, increased violence and the corruption of key institutions of state including the criminal justice systems. Despite these changes and the new security challenges associated with them, there has been little effort to actually revise national security policy and to accordingly reform, indeed reconfigure and transform the security services to meet the real priorities of the post-colonial era. This paper presents an outline for a more rational reconfiguration of the Jamaican security establishment. A case is made for a fairly radical structural transformation of the security forces and system of policing that would yield more effective crime control results, a more just treatment of the citizenry and make better use of the limited resources available for national security.
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This article briefly describes the law as pertained to obligatory military service in Peru between 1823 and 2000. From there the author goes on to describe the recent reforms to obligatory service made by the Peruvian legislature. The author indicates that global changes in attitude toward obligatory service, as well as the changing situation in Peru were factors in the decision to overhaul the laws regarding obligatory service. The article discusses some of the particular changes made by the law, which took effect January 1, 2000, and indicates that, unlike the tendency in other countries, however, the Peruvian reform is not seeking to establish a completely professional military. Instead the new Peruvian model is one of a rotational volunteer service in which enlisted personnel would receive occupational training for their eventual, productive reincorporation into Peruvian society.
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