Transnational organized crime (TOC) in Latin America represents a formidable threat to national security. These illicit groups have operated in the Western Hemisphere for decades. Recently, however, the speed and violence associated with these non-state groups have exacerbated the magnitude of the problems to alarming levels. Criminal groups are not limited only to trafficking narcotics. They also operate human trafficking networks, illegal arms trafficking, engage in extortion, cybercrime, and political intimidation. This undermines security, generates instability, and scares away foreign investment and tourism. This essay examines initiatives underway in the Western Hemisphere to address the convergence of transnational organized crime and other illicit networks. It also provides suggestions for implementing more effective strategies to deal with illegal groups whose evolution threatens the national security of the United States and its allies.
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Two of the greatest threats in the Northern Hemisphere are terrorism and drug trafficking. However, drug trafficking-related violence, cartel criminal diversification in national and transnational fronts, and terrorist-style displays of force are just the visible elements of a deeper, more complex social dynamics in the country. Drug trafficking, like international terrorism, is not a one-sided problem. It is a multi-level, multi-dimensional issue that must include different measures to effectively engage it. It is, by definition, a complex social phenomenon that does not hold definition. Mexico has its share of these problems. Among the major cartels operating in Mexico, the Zetas are the ones that have displayed a relatively high level of mobility, adaptability, and aggressiveness over the last few years. Other complicating factors are the transnational criminal organization development dynamics and adaptation to the environment. Consequently, military and law enforcement must constantly adapt to the new operating conditions they encounter as they regain control of public spaces in the country.
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Does US military aid buy recipient state compliance? In this study, we systematically investigate the effects of U.S. military assistance on recipient state behavior toward the United States. We present and test three different models—Arms for Influence, Lonely Superpower, and Reverse Leverage—that might capture the relationship between military aid and recipient state cooperation. Using innovative events data that measure cooperation between the United States and recipient states between 1990 and 2004, we test seven hypotheses using a combination of simultaneous equation, cross-sectional time series, and Heckman selection models. We find, with limited exceptions, support for the Reverse Leverage model: increasing levels of US military aid significantly reduce cooperative foreign policy behavior with the United States. U.S. reaction to recipient state behavior is also counterintuitive; our results show that recipient state cooperation is likely to lead to subsequent reductions in US military assistance, rather than proving the theory of success based on a carrot and stick approach.
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This academic paper provides an analysis of the regional concerns and challenges presented in the Declaration of Santa Cruz de la Sierra, as a result of the IX Conference of Defense Ministers of the Americas (CDMA) held in Bolivia in 2010. It focuses on the importance of cooperation in defense and security matters in the region, specifically in the advancement of the implementation of measures of confidence promotion and security recently approved by the South American Defense Council (SDC) of the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR).
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This presentation by the Secretary General for Defense Policy of the Spanish Ministry of Defense was given at the Center for Hemispheric Defense Studies (CHDS) on January 14, 2011.
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