For a special report on the Commission, the Perry Center Publications Editor-in-Chief Patrick Paterson met with Professor Richard Wilson, Director of the International Human Rights Law Clinic at the Washington College of Law, to discuss the most important cases or reports in the history of the Commission. Professor Wilson, a frequent lecturer at the Perry Center, is a longtime observer of the Commission and Court, where he and his students have presented more than 30 cases. Of the thousands of cases and reports of the Commission, Professor Wilson selected a few that he thought were especially important or influential.
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The little press, analysis and debate regarding the 1970-1973 insurgency and counterinsurgency could be explained by the impact that this period would have on the linear and nuanced narratives that the "two sides" of the Dirty War have created throughout the period beginning in 1976. Paradoxically, one of the few, if not the only, consensuses among the protagonists of the Argentine drama is based on the silence or omission of the years studied in this essay. This is a subject that has and will have for many years to come a set of passions, ideological struggles and crossed and irreconcilable positions. It is not possible to vindicate or surreptitiously relativize the abyss of violence and cruelty into which our country fell almost four decades ago. This study will explore the events of the 1970s in Argentina in close collaboration with previous studies of criticism from both sides of the conflict between the government and insurgent groups.
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The explicit objective of this work is to make some contributions toward assessing the current situation, and taking a look at the future, of the MERCOSUR, with regard to Defense, based on an historical-theoretical and practical development, starting from the premise that shows that the strengthening of cooperative action, with a view toward developing an integrated Defense system in the region, would be the most appropriate response to the challenges that have been posed in the field of International Security.
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This paper covers a part of the post-doctoral research conducted by the author at UNESP-Franca in 2005. It is an analytical comparison between the military-naval education models developed in Brazil and Argentina within the context of the post-authoritarian regimes that are current nowadays. Also, two main aspects regarding professional training in both countries is dealt with within the context of any regional cooperation agreements and the Mercosur.
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In combating international terrorism in Latin America the great challenge is, unquestionably, the strengthening of institutions within nations, without which public assets, including security, cannot be guaranteed. When public opinion is consulted within the region the tendency is to look at how societies view the threat of terrorism and its relationship, for example, with the image of the United States, its foreign policy in particular and its means of addressing terrorism. Nevertheless, one point not usually noticed is that public opinion is also a factor to bear in mind in the struggle against terrorism, because it can be a condition for, although it does not determine the responses of institutionally weak states and can also detract from their institutional growth. Based on the Argentine experience, in which public opinion did not recognize the threat of international terrorism and a shortage of institutions dealing with it, the present work attempts to alert readers to that importance and propose a model of possible scenarios for bringing together the variables of public opinion and political will.
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An analysis and discussion of the struggles and demands of indigenous peoples for autonomy, in the countries of Latin America, must rise above predictions of disaster. It must avoid the chronic temptation to classify this influential trend as a potential threat to nationhood that must be addressed decisively by reducing or eliminating the demand. The present work discusses a potential future crisis between Chile and Argentina if the Mapuche demand for one people, one territory becomes established and develops forcefully on both sides of the Andes. What is known as the Mapuche Conflict could become a bi-national variable. It must be recalled that this area contains significant numbers of Mapuche communities on both sides of the Andean range. If it intensifies, the actors in the crisis, in addition to the Mapuche, will be two states with not a few disputes in their history since independence from Spain. We still have unresolved border issues and other significant, and recently expressed, misunderstandings and differences of a serious tone. In the event of a nationalistic-type Mapuche Conflict, these differences could lead to a crisis in border relations in which the two sides could find themselves in highly disparate positions regarding the "what," "how," and "when" to do and in benefit of whom to act, as occurred and continues to occur in many other matters, including indigenous issues, beginning with ILO Convention 169 that Argentina signed six years ago and Chile has refused to sign.
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