This article examines the foreign policy of Latin America and the Caribbean toward the People's Republic of China. It finds that, for those nations recognizing Taiwan, most Latin American nations have had relatively few political differences with the PRC. Exceptions include Brazil's bid for a seat on the UN Security Council and Mexico's receipt of the Dali Lama under the sexenio of Felipe Calderón. Within the region, the most important differences have emerged on issues of foreign economic policy. The article finds that Latin America's heterogeneous orientation toward China on economic issues may be understood in terms of four cross-cutting cleavages, which reflect economic, political, and geographic divisions in the region more broadly: (1) north versus south, (2) populist regimes versus market economies, (3) pure resource exporters versus industrialized exporters versus nonexporting capital recipients versus pure importers , and (4) Pacific versus Atlantic.
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Two of the greatest threats in the Northern Hemisphere are terrorism and drug trafficking. However, drug trafficking-related violence, cartel criminal diversification in national and transnational fronts, and terrorist-style displays of force are just the visible elements of a deeper, more complex social dynamics in the country. Drug trafficking, like international terrorism, is not a one-sided problem. It is a multi-level, multi-dimensional issue that must include different measures to effectively engage it. It is, by definition, a complex social phenomenon that does not hold definition. Mexico has its share of these problems. Among the major cartels operating in Mexico, the Zetas are the ones that have displayed a relatively high level of mobility, adaptability, and aggressiveness over the last few years. Other complicating factors are the transnational criminal organization development dynamics and adaptation to the environment. Consequently, military and law enforcement must constantly adapt to the new operating conditions they encounter as they regain control of public spaces in the country.
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If the Jamaican society is to extricate itself from its four decades of economic malaise, the 40-year trend of increasing violent crime and insecurity must be reversed. However, this is only possible with proper and adequate diagnoses of causes and the formulation of appropriate policies and solutions. Jamaica and the rest of the Caribbean must adopt (and adapt) relevant crime response policies and approaches to fight all types of crimes and violence, and the authors argue that this is only achievable through coordinated strategies and evidence-based policymaking underpinned by an integrated program of cutting-edge research. By identifying the best program assessment indicators and adjusting policies that are inadequate, a country like Jamaica can turn the tide against the criminal organizations that are holding the formal economy and legal institutions hostage. Through careful analysis of other regional programs and perspectives, it is possible to find workable models for Jamaica to follow.
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The article analyzes interdependency levels in security affairs, pointing out that the best accomplishments have been carried out in South America, such as multinational cooperation in the UN mission in Haiti. It is also pointed out that, regarding security and defense in North America, there are plenty of obstacles meant to be overcome by means of implementing the Merida Initiative for México and Central America. In the case of Andean countries-at present, the most conflictive region in the hemisphere-actual steps backwards have occurred, increasing geopolitical and border tensions among its members. The paper concludes that at present, the paradigm between security and integration must not be mutually exclusive. It faces growing challenges which demand the creation of institutions that are able to deal with them.
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The paper analyses the roles and functions of the military and civilian police and comes to the conclusion that either the disbanding or amalgamation of the military in small developing countries would denude the state's capability of providing a stable National Security environment. It suggests that transformation of the military to be more relevant to the developing economies is more appropriate. The link of the hemispheric threats of the nation states of the Caribbean, to National Security and the differing roles of the police and military services is investigated and it is argued that the concomitancy of appropriate training to functions is critical and herein lies one of the major impediments to amalgamation. The paper argues that discipline is the foundation of military combat readiness and combat effectiveness and is more important in today's complex security environment of asymmetric threats from non-state actors where the "release aggression, restrain excess" paradox is most relevant.
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This paper focused on the origin, structure and roles of the military of Belize, an arm of the state of the only English-speaking country in Central America. The key tasks that were undertaken by the Belize’s military were both external and internal. It is shown that Belize is the only country of the English-speaking Caribbean in which armed forces are used primarily for defense. This is so to deter the Guatemalan army from marching into Belize and to control the infiltration of its borders by illegal immigrants. However, Belize’s military has become increasingly involved in "police" operations, including the combating of drugs and maintaining domestic order, thus leading to a blurring of the roles of the police and the military, as well as the provision of relief during natural and other disasters. Finally, Belize’s military engaged in self-help programs and provided assistance to a number of civilian projects as a way of fostering improved civil-military relations.
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This article discusses the conceptual approach to security in the Caribbean, examines the nature of the security landscape in the region, and suggests areas of public security that warrant further attention. In relation to the first issue, it argues that the traditional Realist approach to security, with its focus on the military variable, the state as the unit of analysis, and external threats, is not applicable to the Caribbean region. Rather, an appropriate paradigm is one that goes beyond Realism, taking account of economic and political variables, both state and non-state actors, and external as well as internal threats. In relation the security landscape, it considers the security threats and challenges to include territorial disputes, drugs, political instability, and crime. The work emphasizes that the issue of drugs is not one-dimensional, but involves production, trafficking, abuse, money laundering, corruption, and local and organized crime. Attention is also paid to terrorism, showing the impact of the September 11, 2001 terrorist attack on the Caribbean. As regards areas for further attention the article suggests the need for distinctions in use of the terms "national security," "national defense," and "public security." Moreover, it calls for more theoretical and policy oriented work on public security actors and responses, and on crime, private security, and the security implications of HIV/AIDS.
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