El Salvador has been impacted by political instability and socioeconomic upheavals in a perfect environment for organized crime; in the midst of the pacification and democratization of the country after a bloody internal conflict. This essay focuses on private security through a descriptive analysis of the factors that influence its evolution and implications in the country's governability and governance. The analysis of security as a common good, the factors influencing the use of private security and the inter-institutional relations of private security and the police require appropriate regulations based on the aforementioned factors. When considering security as a common good, fundamental rights are mandatory and the basis for the legitimacy of government action.
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The purpose of this research is to determine, from a systemic perspective, how the activities of organized crime in the country are affecting its governance and governability. The author proposes that: Currently in El Salvador organized crime (OC) in its eagerness to increase its profits, control of trafficking routes and markets has become a strategic actor whose activities are affecting the country's governance and governability by destabilizing its political, economic and social spheres. This research presents a comprehensive study of the dynamics in which OC networks are immersed and the negative effects of their activities in El Salvador. At the same time, it identifies the vulnerabilities of the Salvadoran state, as well as the weak points through which these nefarious organizations are permeating its structures and institutions. The author concludes by saying that the Salvadoran State, despite its efforts, does not respond to the requirements and security needs of the population and that the continuation of this course will lead it to gradually lose legitimacy, until it enters a crisis of governability. He proposes that the way to overcome this vicious dynamic is to resort to all available resources, including private security, duly controlled and regulated.
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The taking of political power through arms has been the main objective of insurgent groups around the world. Mao was the first to achieve this and developed a model that others have tried to emulate; but has proven to be impractical due to its basic premises such as popular mobilization (which has been very difficult to achieve), and the permanent intention to provoking the "masses" to rise against their government. This article studies the basic elements of the Maoist model and its application in different regions of the world, including Latin America, and how over time variations have arisen that have fundamentally altered it, giving way to military action as the predominant method.
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This presentation by the Minister of Defense of the Republic of El Salvador was made on July 7, 2010 at the 6th Sub-Regional Conference for Mesoamerica, held July 20-23 in San Salvador and organized by the Center for Hemispheric Defense Studies (CHDS).
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The provision of private security services challenges conventional wisdom about the role of the State as the guarantor of public security. Taking into account the weakness or absence of effective legal structures and regulating entities, such non-state activities pose serious questions about lawfulness, legitimacy, and responsibility in the security area. If the security provided by police forces is not reliable, citizens will tend to resort to private security services (PSS) or to supply themselves with arms in order to protect themselves, speeding up the decline of state monopoly on the legitimate use of force. In El Salvador, PSS monitoring and control focus on this area. By means of systematically analyzing the phenomenon, its main elements and the dynamic interrelationship among them are presented as a means of determining whether the system provides the required levals of transparency and the democratic standards regarding the operations and behavior of the PSS. The research presented is aimed at bringing Salvadoran expertise in these matters into the debate on PSS monitoring and control, a useful exercise in part because it shows, from the vantage point of primary sources, the Salvadoran experience with systems of monitoring and control.
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The essay examines the impact of military assistance on the levels of state violence against civilians during civil wars. Azam and Hoeffler argue that outside funding raises the levels of counterinsurgent brutality. This essay claims that this may be true for development assistance, but not for military aid. Using data from Peru and El Salvador, it is suggested that military aid may sometimes be inversely related to the levels of violence against civilians. This is explained by two factors. First, development aid only increases the funding of brutal regimes, whereas military assistance can also induce them to abandon brutality. Second, while traditional military aid programmes have been driven mostly by strategic concerns, those implemented in Peru and El Salvador also incorporated human rights considerations.
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