Using the concepts of resilience and complex networks, this paper explores the strategic behavior of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and elaborates a map that contributes to the broad reflection on the sustainability of illegal armed organizations.
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The little press, analysis and debate regarding the 1970-1973 insurgency and counterinsurgency could be explained by the impact that this period would have on the linear and nuanced narratives that the "two sides" of the Dirty War have created throughout the period beginning in 1976. Paradoxically, one of the few, if not the only, consensuses among the protagonists of the Argentine drama is based on the silence or omission of the years studied in this essay. This is a subject that has and will have for many years to come a set of passions, ideological struggles and crossed and irreconcilable positions. It is not possible to vindicate or surreptitiously relativize the abyss of violence and cruelty into which our country fell almost four decades ago. This study will explore the events of the 1970s in Argentina in close collaboration with previous studies of criticism from both sides of the conflict between the government and insurgent groups.
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The collapse of the Soviet Union is the most important strategic inflection that consolidates the era of transformation towards democracy in the world. In Latin America, the changes towards democracy were dramatic and irreversible. In this order of ideas, the opening created by the privatization process as a result of the third wave of democratization in Latin America, together with globalization, have emphasized the role of the State in its responsibility to provide the security and defense that allows the exercise of democracy and development. In Central America, the privatization of security has occurred as a consequence of the pacification process at the end of the 1980s, democratization and globalization. In this order, the State has shown itself incapable of providing the common good of security. This essay aims to analyze the state of control and supervision of the privatization of security and defense in Central America and its impact and trends in the current security environment in the region.
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In Venezuela, the issue of civil-military relations has traditionally been very controversial. The origin of the controversy is complex, but basically it is about the historical problem related to the political significance that the military have played in the conformation of the State and the place they should occupy in Venezuelan society. But, fundamentally, the Venezuelan civilian political leadership did not have, nor has it had until now, the capacity, the interest, the political will and clarity, conceptual consistency and doctrinal conviction, and even the need to implement a set of mechanisms and techniques to exercise an effective civilian control over the historical praetorian potential of the Venezuelan military. Thus, it can be affirmed that in the matter of Venezuelan civil-military relations, after the failure of the ruling praetorianism of dictator Marcos Pérez Jiménez, we have not had a real and true civilian control over the military. On the contrary, what we have had is an understanding, agreement, fusion, alliance and military-civilian and political-military symbiosis; not written, but operative and effective. After several centuries of barbarism, backwardness and uncivilization, the 21st century may be for Venezuela the century of the definitive defeat of the praetorianism virus and the final supremacy of the Venezuelan civil society over the military and its armed institutions.
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Ecuador has been one of the last countries in the region to have a civilian minister of defense. Traditionally, this task has been given to retired military officers. The military has been and continues to be an area that civilian and academic society has little desire to learn about. President Correa himself has accepted that he knows very little about security issues, to the point that in one of his weekly media briefings, he offered to read and learn more about the subject. Despite knowing little about the subject - as he admits - during his government, a civilian minister for defense was appointed for the first time in more than 35 years. So far in his government two ministers have been women - one of whom died in a military helicopter crash. The current minister is a former journalist who, through his column in one of the national newspapers, was a sometimes unfair critic of the activities of the Armed Forces.
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This paper analyzes the evolution of the institution of self-defense and its relationship with the prohibition of the use of force. It studies the path towards the consolidation of the classical concept of self-defense, its elements and its requirements. Subsequently, he presents three positions on the evolution of this legal institution towards an anticipatory scheme, from the position of states and the instruments of international law. Finally, it shows the road ahead for the establishment and consolidation of the notion of preventive self-defense.
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The use of military forces in the fight against all criminal threats that affect democracies is viable and necessary, but the important thing is to know when and how force can be used as a first option in order not to incur in an illegitimate and illegal act. This article develops the assertion by first recognizing the terms "human rights" and "international humanitarian law" and how the actions of the armed forces can be applied and restrained within the territory of a country. In addition, it recognizes the danger of the type of non-traditional warfare currently occurring against the populations of some countries, and how the mission of police and military forces must be re-evaluated and adapted to the new operating environments. Finally, this article addresses the daunting questions of how to complete these new missions successfully within legal parameters, and how to respond to "enemy" allegations and attacks that may take the form of political and judicial tactics
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The subject of strategic leadership has had a spectacular development in the world of business management, where much literature has been published to explain its scope, forms of operation and its relationship with strategic planning and the decision-making process. All this information, which would ensure the success of a company, has been an extremely useful reference for the field of defense and security, even though everything written is not exactly applicable to the strategic scenario in which we operate. Indeed, the specificities of the political office, of the Armed Forces and of the type of conflict this sector is involved in, make it necessary to redefine the essential aspects of strategic leadership in the field we are concerned with.
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