The purpose of this paper is to analyze the political discourse and public policies that gave rise to the Democratic Security Policy implemented in Colombia by President Uribe during his two administrations between 2002 and 2010, and to evaluate its results. For this purpose, the security discourse proposed by the candidate in his "Democratic Manifesto" is studied, confronted with the public policies included in the Development Plans and implemented during his presidency, the consistency between the political discourse and governmental actions is analyzed, and its results are evaluated on the basis of objective security indicators.
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The taking of political power through arms has been the main objective of insurgent groups around the world. Mao was the first to achieve this and developed a model that others have tried to emulate; but has proven to be impractical due to its basic premises such as popular mobilization (which has been very difficult to achieve), and the permanent intention to provoking the "masses" to rise against their government. This article studies the basic elements of the Maoist model and its application in different regions of the world, including Latin America, and how over time variations have arisen that have fundamentally altered it, giving way to military action as the predominant method.
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Using the concepts of resilience and complex networks, this paper explores the strategic behavior of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and elaborates a map that contributes to the broad reflection on the sustainability of illegal armed organizations.
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The little press, analysis and debate regarding the 1970-1973 insurgency and counterinsurgency could be explained by the impact that this period would have on the linear and nuanced narratives that the "two sides" of the Dirty War have created throughout the period beginning in 1976. Paradoxically, one of the few, if not the only, consensuses among the protagonists of the Argentine drama is based on the silence or omission of the years studied in this essay. This is a subject that has and will have for many years to come a set of passions, ideological struggles and crossed and irreconcilable positions. It is not possible to vindicate or surreptitiously relativize the abyss of violence and cruelty into which our country fell almost four decades ago. This study will explore the events of the 1970s in Argentina in close collaboration with previous studies of criticism from both sides of the conflict between the government and insurgent groups.
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In the last two years, the violence and visibility of the conflict between the Paraguayan State and the Paraguayan People's Army (EPP) has escalated significantly, due to the appearance of new weapons, tactics, and increasing involvement of foreign advisers on both sides as each has adapted to gain advantage over the other. Although the nature of the EPP has become somewhat clearer, many areas still need to be better understood in order for the Paraguayan state to effectively defeat this threat, which it can still do at relatively low cost if it adopts the right strategy and takes appropriate action. This article provides some of that understanding by identifying the events and breakthroughs which occurred in roughly two phases: government offensive (2010) and EPP adaptation (2011). The author concludes that groups such as the EPP are not merely police/justice problems, but state problems, and the most successful states are those that recognize this early and employ all the elements of national power to deal with the problem not only to reduce or eliminate the violence, but to prevent its regeneration.
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Latin America continues to be a breeding ground for violent groups, as exemplified by the rise of drug cartels in Mexico and narcoterrorist organizations such as the Colombian FARC and the Peruvian Shining Path. A question that has not yet been properly addressed, however, is whether there is the possibility that ideologically oriented violent groups, like the Paraguayan EPP or the Mexican EPR, will rise again. This article provides a general review of the security situation in the region, focusing on violent armed groups and discussing to what extent they may have a political ideology.
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The new guerrilla group known as the Paraguayan People's Army, or EPP, is unique as a Marxist insurgency against a Marxist-sympathetic populist government. Although still small they appear to be growing. The evidence indicates that EPP is a serious group that has been in development for more than twenty years. They have an ideology and a strategic plan that they are systematically carrying out. They are anything but amateurs. They have acquired training and assistance from the Colombian FARC, if not others. They have built up funds through bank robberies and kidnappings, and gradually they are expanding their operations. While sometimes referred to as a "foquista" movement, the comparison falls short. What distinguishes EPP is the significant support base they have systematically built up among the radical elements of the Paraguayan rural peasantry, particularly in the north of the country. So far the state has responded by sending contingents of policemen and soldiers to cordon off and search rural areas in San Pedro and Concepcion. These operations appear to have produced little result. This article discusses the EPP's history and dynamics.
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