Despite early recognition of the importance of military institutions for understanding social organization and social change, sociology established no strong research tradition to study the military until after World War II. This paper explores the origins of this sub-field by focusing on the pioneering contributions of Morris Janowitz. Relying on a comprehensive review of primary source documents, it provides a history of the first twenty years of the Inter-University Seminar on Armed Forces and Society (IUS), an organization Janowitz founded in 1961 to support, extend, and routinize sociological study of the military as a social institution. Special attention is paid to the relation between the development of this institution and Janowitz's intellectual biography and to the strains resulting from the IUS's attempts to pursue multiple and sometimes conflicting goals.
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The changes that have occurred in the Western world in recent decades have produced many transformations in society. One of the areas that has been most openly affected is the military institution, derived from the redefinition of the State, new non-combat missions assigned to the armed forces, the continuation of traditional militaries and the deepening convergence of civilians and the military. Based on the book "The Postmodern Military" by Moskos, Segal and Allen, the author analyzes in this article, the impact that postmodernity is having on the military arena in Latin America and how the military is acting or reacting to this. In addition, the author analyzes the organizational changes and recommends some skills or traits that the professionals in the armed forces should acquire in the face of this era of change.
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In discussing the restructuring of the defense sector in Nicaragua, I allude to a qualitative and quantitative process in which the armed forces and all civilian agencies related to defense participate, and in which the role of civilian society and international cooperation are considered. This paper presents a general characterization of the process - the reduction of personnel and budget, the reform and modernization of the legal framework of defense, the performance of the Legislature, the Ministry of Defense, civilian society and international cooperation. Finally, by way of conclusion, an incomplete list of "lessons not learned" is provided.
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Through cowardly attacks against targets in the Americas, fundamentalist terrorism has made it clear that it is no longer a distant threat, becoming a serious issue of national security for all Western countries?one on which they all must cooperate in order to defeat. Nevertheless, it can be said that this is not a new conflict, rather the religious nature of the war has given the aggressors different appreciation of time and space, which has not been adequately understood by the West. The evolution and characteristics of this particular conflict can be examined from three perspectives, which, responding to different modes of action, attempt to explain the phenomenon of growing Islamic fundamentalism and its fanatic violence. First, the paper will discuss the rise to power of the Islamic revolution in Iran and fundamentalism, its global influence and actions taken as a result of its initiative. Second, the evolution of the fundamentalist guerrilla war against the Soviet Union in Afghanistan will be examined, as well as Afghanistan?s participation in the holy war and the later development of the civil war. Finally, from a third perspective, the appearance of Osama bin Laden as the apparent global fundamentalist leader will be analyzed.
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Since Independence in the early 1960s, there have been considerable changes in the international and regional environments, many of which have tremendous implications for the security of the countries of the Caribbean. Associated with some of these changes are the problems of increased trafficking in guns and drugs, the development of transnational organized crime, increased violence and the corruption of key institutions of state including the criminal justice systems. Despite these changes and the new security challenges associated with them, there has been little effort to actually revise national security policy and to accordingly reform, indeed reconfigure and transform the security services to meet the real priorities of the post-colonial era. This paper presents an outline for a more rational reconfiguration of the Jamaican security establishment. A case is made for a fairly radical structural transformation of the security forces and system of policing that would yield more effective crime control results, a more just treatment of the citizenry and make better use of the limited resources available for national security.
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This paper is intended to be a methodological essay that discusses how broadening budgetary analysis and quantitative information in the area of defense can serve as an instrument of transparency and public oversight. Although it is based on the case of Argentina (which the author knows intimately), the goal is to open the discussion on the broader publication of quantitative information in the region. The paper is the result of the author's double frustration with the data offered by international and official sources. The fundamental requirement for the production of useful quantitative information is that the analysis is simultaneously fed from various angles: from the budgeting systems specialist, and from the expert in the theory, policy, history and institutions of the defense sector. The author suggests possible end-users of the data, a precise definition of military expenses, and 19 series or indices with a brief explanation of their usefulness.
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This article discusses the conceptual approach to security in the Caribbean, examines the nature of the security landscape in the region, and suggests areas of public security that warrant further attention. In relation to the first issue, it argues that the traditional Realist approach to security, with its focus on the military variable, the state as the unit of analysis, and external threats, is not applicable to the Caribbean region. Rather, an appropriate paradigm is one that goes beyond Realism, taking account of economic and political variables, both state and non-state actors, and external as well as internal threats. In relation the security landscape, it considers the security threats and challenges to include territorial disputes, drugs, political instability, and crime. The work emphasizes that the issue of drugs is not one-dimensional, but involves production, trafficking, abuse, money laundering, corruption, and local and organized crime. Attention is also paid to terrorism, showing the impact of the September 11, 2001 terrorist attack on the Caribbean. As regards areas for further attention the article suggests the need for distinctions in use of the terms "national security," "national defense," and "public security." Moreover, it calls for more theoretical and policy oriented work on public security actors and responses, and on crime, private security, and the security implications of HIV/AIDS.
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Universal obligatory military service in Brazil was instituted in 1908 by Hermes da Fonseca, then-Minister of War. Before this, the draft was not systematic, and was often applied in an arbitrary fashion. However, obligatory military service was only effectively begun after an extensive national campaign, initiated by the "Young Turks" - low-ranking Army officers who had been trained in Germany and became advocates of various reforms. They believed that obligatory military service would only be put into practice through a national campaign undertaken by civilians and military personnel. At this point, the National Defense League was created, composed of Brazil's political and literary luminaries who would disseminate the concepts of compulsory military service and civic duty. Military service was always considered fundamental for the formation of the "Concept of Patriotism" amongst youth. With this initiative, obligatory military service was into effect in 1916. Few modifications were made afterwards. Following the military regime (1964-1985) there were some steps taken to end obligatory military service. Suggestions from the Armed Forces were put into effect. The only important change made in the Consitution of 1988 was the provision for conscientious objection. Despite having ruled in Brazil for 20 years, the armed forces still enjoy social prestige, and there have been no consistent arguments against obligatory military service. Some changes have occured, however, these are at the initiative of the armed forces. The armed forces defend maintaining the draft, in order not to lose touch with young people and, to prevent a rift between society and the armed forces. Yet, the Army has been undertaking significant changes, tending toward the delineation of a mixed system--one that combines voluntary with obligatory service.
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