The attacks on the United States of September 11, 2001 changed dramatically the dynamic and nature of North American relations, igniting interest in closer cooperation among the three countries, especially on issues relating to security, border patrol and immigration. This renewed interest in strengthening collaboration in North America has crystallized into a call for the establishment of a "North American Security Perimeter." The three North American countries have taken several significant steps to strengthen collaboration on security matters. In effect, security cooperation within the continent has never been as strong, and it has in fact been institutionalized between Mexico and the US on some levels. Nonetheless, despite this new level of continental security cooperation, this article advances the argument that we are still far from the establishment of an international regime that would resemble anything close to a security perimeter. Instead, it is argued that what we are witnessing is the emergence of an informal North American security system that has unfolded along the two traditional axes that have historically characterized North American relations: the US-Canada relationship and the US-Mexico relationship.
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The United States has largely sat on the sidelines during the more than a decade of Latin American indigenous peoples' efforts to fully participate in their countries' political and economic life. Meanwhile, the growing political space created by the Indian movements appears to be dominated by radicalized forces united by anger and opposition to the United States. In at least one case, in southern Mexico, militant Islamicists reportedly use a shared hostility to Western, Judeo-Christian ideas and identity to recruit disaffected Indians to their cause. The importance strategic thinkers now give to "failed states" and "ungoverned spaces" suggests that Native Americans can and should be full partners in efforts to improve their standard of living and to deny terrorists and organized crime sanctuary in or near areas where they live.
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South America, and the Andean region in particular, do not constitute a military or economic threat to the United States, but they are a potential setting for a pax Mafiosa, a tendency toward chaos and disorder. The process taking place in the Andean region is characterized by unstable states (Bolivia, Ecuador), seriously damaged sovereign states (Colombia), damaged democratic regimes (Venezuela) and higher levels of militarization (Colombia, Ecuador, Peru). In addition to inter-state tensions (Venezuela-Colombia, Chile-Bolivia) there are growing transnational security situations (drug trafficking, money-laundering and guerrilla warfare) and social conflicts that arise not only from economic but from identity factors as well. At this juncture, we should reflect on the possibility that Argentina, Brazil in particular and the region in general may find in this list of challenges to citizen and to national security a true opportunity for a converging of viewpoints and a development of policies to endow MERCOSUR with greater substance and identity in political and security matters.
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This article traces the rise of small arms and light weapons control into the international agenda. It contends that a norm building process happened throughout the 1990s focusing on creating standards and measures seeking to curb the unrestricted availability of small arms worldwide, especially their illicit small arms trafficking, in all aspects. This articles also points to a change in the arms control paradigm: from one that did not pay attention to small arms as a separate subject of arms control to a new one where small arms became a subject of importance in the international security agenda. In these processes, the author unveils who were the most important actors in the complex and multi-layered process of placing a new subject in the spotlight of international action. It finishes by describing the legal and political framework existent at the disposal of states and non-governmental organizations, i.e. treaties, conventions, and programs for research and action on small arms control.
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This chapter reviews the key lessons from the various research papers. In general, it points out that the research supported the hypotheses on which the study is based. The papers thus supported the importance of prestige, international obligations, hemispheric solidarity, and a residual support for the U.S. as motivations. But it also emphasized that the Latin Americans put more weight on the UN Charter than does the U.S. It also reinforced the importance of domestic political issues and considerations. While the research also supported the notion that political will was a necessary condition for participation in a PKO it did not validate its sufficiency. Rather, the lack of capability in terms of resources was shown to be even more important in some cases than political will. Finally, the research showed that there are a significant number of actions that can be taken by the nations of the hemisphere that will increase their individual and collective capacity to conduct PKO and other integrated operations.
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Contributing to PKO in Haiti is important to the Canadian government because of commitments to multilateral institutions and interventions; the risk of gangs, drugs and refugees overflowing to the region; and the critical role Haitian immigrant voters play in Canadian politics. Intelligence and design of options for the mission were undertaken by a team of officials from foreign affairs, international aid, defence, and the national police forces - shaped via an interactive dialogue with the UNDPKO as it put MINUSTAH together - and decided by the Prime Minister. Slow progress in establishing civil order and effective democratic institutions indicates the need for better designed interventions based on in-depth knowledge and engagement with Haitian society, and its potential progress in governance.
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On February 29, 2004, only ten years after the United States last intervened in Haiti to reinstall President Jean Bertrand Aristide, U.S. military forces once again entered Haiti to stabilize the country after President Aristide fled as violence gripped the country. However, unlike the 20,000 troops, significant resources, and ambitious objectives of Operation Uphold Democracy in 1994, the recent intervention was executed with a much smaller force, with much more limited United States government goals, objectives, and expectations. This paper will analyze the events leading to the U.S. decision to intervene and the rationale to limit US objectives and participation. It will then examine the planning, organization, objectives, and effectiveness of the Multinational Interim Force’s (MIF) and the transfer of responsibility to the UN stabilization force. The paper will conclude with recommendations on how the US may build upon and strengthen the demonstrated capacity for collective security operations for Latin America and the Caribbean in the future.
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This study considers the use of multinational force to assist in rectifying Haiti’s political woes by exploring two research questions: "How did Haiti’s security situation evolve into its present situation?" and "How effective has multinational force been in assisting the government of Haiti in its quest for democracy?" By properly analyzing these queries, the Haiti case may yield valuable lessons that will serve to inform hemispheric nation-states seeking to build capacity for the conduct of current and future multinational peacekeeping missions.
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