It is the tragic events of September 11, 2001 what set a before and after in terms of hemispheric and international security. This long anticipated "catastrophic or massive terrorism" showed up in the one country that rules international security. From then on, there has been an accelerated development of reflections or thoughts that have been shaping a true long-term Grand Strategy with such significance that it has been compared to the ones developed during the early days of the Cold War. The destabilizing mix of "terrorist governments" and "villains", international terrorist networks, and their tactical or strategic partners, whether at regional or national levels, and the non-conventional weapon proliferation have become a main concern for many coming decades. Under such context, the National Security Strategy (NSS) provides a sharp and sophisticated review of the interaction and cooperation between international terrorism and organized crime, as well as the need to limit the spread of "ungoverned regions or areas" and "weak governments" where this non-governmental actors may be based. Given the nature of these threats, any bilateral and multilateral cooperation efforts for security purposes, defense policies and any funding and goods flows acquire crucial significance. Under such context, the Rule of Law and strength of a democratic government, together with its institutions, become strategically important for any non-governmental enemies that regard such "weak governments" and "non-liberal democracies" as fertile ground for their actions.
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In the aftermath of September 11th many commentators expressed renewed concerns that the United States' reliance on the Middle East as a petroleum source made it politically and economically dependent upon an unstable region. Most of these observers also voiced a sense of pessimism about the United States' ability to change this situation. Yet in fact the United States' energy position is now stronger than it appears, and there is reason to believe that it will improve in the future, because of the growing importance of Canada as a source of petroleum. According to Canada's National Energy Board, Canada has the world's largest deposit of oil sands, which may equal or exceed the proven petroleum reserves of Saudi Arabia. Canada is already the largest exporter of petroleum to the United States, and its production will likely triple this decade. This will place renewed pressure on OPEC, weaken the political influence of Saudi Arabia and greatly strengthen the United States' energy position. This paper will describe the rapid changes in Canada's petroleum industry, and how this may affect the United States from a security perspective.
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The purpose of this paper is, first, to seek an answer for the question about what has been left behind in hemispheric security, given that the 21st Century has started with changes to the traditional security concepts developed during the previous century, and specifically any other concepts that are typical of the Post Second World War and Cold War eras. Secondly, to review the continent’s security scenario, and describe any causes for lack of security, based on the source and the way they are perceived by the different actors. This review shows that Latin Americans basically want a security system that provides them with Human and Individual Security, mainly through instruments and agencies, other than the Armed Forces, with capabilities to cover all other levels where security manifests itself, such as: Government Security and International Security, where the Armed Forces play a prominent role. Lastly, in order to seek a solution to meet the above requirements, the basics for a model is proposed, so that it may efficiently allow neutralizing any causes for lack of security by minimizing any sovereignty loss threats due to third-party interventionism, and based on existing instrument revitalization, aimed at adopting a flexible architecture supported by bilateral and multilateral relations designed to secure sub-regional and hemispheric agreements.
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A key concept that countries have tried to push forward is that related to the establishment of a set of Defense principles that enable society to understand, support and commit to its needs and goals in defense matters. In the past few years, the traditional gap between the military and civil society grew substantially wider due to the fact that most western nations embarked in a process leading to professional armed forces. Social marketing models that were successfully applied to advance other social causes are extremely useful to raise awareness as to national defense matters and to create a set of international defense principles, a group of values, beliefs, identities, institutions and procedures that support regional Security and Defense policies. This paper examines the potential of social marketing as a catalyst that may be used to disseminate, foster and bring about changes related to the abovementioned set of defense principles, the main stages of their planning process and the basic design elements of such set of principles, as well as the communication strategy to be applied and the contents thereof.
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The purpose of this paper is to analyze the involvement of civil police forces in peacekeeping operations. The theoretical background of civil police forces, as well as their characteristics and specific elements, will be examined. This paper also contains a discussion of the participation of the Chilean police forces in peacekeeping operations.
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The purpose of this paper is to discuss the principles that underlie the creation of an Inter-American System for Cooperation in Security and Defense Matters that would be utilized to respond to the new threats facing the hemisphere. The paper reviews the theoretical background of international regulations and of the Rio Treaty with a view to determining whether there is a current Inter-American system for cooperation in defense-related matters, or whether there is no such system and efforts need to be made in order to create it.
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This paper describes the organizational structure of the Peruvian National Defense System. After discussing the role of the different entities that make up the Defense System, the budget assigned to each sector is analized. Special emphasis is placed on transparency of the defense sector budget and, in particular, of the budget of the intelligence service. The initial analysis of the defense sector and its budget indicate that the available information is scarce and almost useless given that it does not allow for analysis of the social worth of individual projects associated with that sector. Likewise, a large part of the budget is destined for actions oriented toward social spending programs. This causes a distorsion in the analysis of the rest of the government's social spending policy. It is difficult to measure how defense spending destined for social programs complements or substitutes other government actions. A common theme throughout the sector is the cult of secrecy and the lack of transparency, as well as difficulty in accessing data. The situation has recently improved with the publication of the Defense White Paper. However, in our opinion, there is still much to done.
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