This article traces the rise of small arms and light weapons control into the international agenda. It contends that a norm building process happened throughout the 1990s focusing on creating standards and measures seeking to curb the unrestricted availability of small arms worldwide, especially their illicit small arms trafficking, in all aspects. This articles also points to a change in the arms control paradigm: from one that did not pay attention to small arms as a separate subject of arms control to a new one where small arms became a subject of importance in the international security agenda. In these processes, the author unveils who were the most important actors in the complex and multi-layered process of placing a new subject in the spotlight of international action. It finishes by describing the legal and political framework existent at the disposal of states and non-governmental organizations, i.e. treaties, conventions, and programs for research and action on small arms control.
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This study considers the use of multinational force to assist in rectifying Haiti’s political woes by exploring two research questions: "How did Haiti’s security situation evolve into its present situation?" and "How effective has multinational force been in assisting the government of Haiti in its quest for democracy?" By properly analyzing these queries, the Haiti case may yield valuable lessons that will serve to inform hemispheric nation-states seeking to build capacity for the conduct of current and future multinational peacekeeping missions.
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The article was written by one of the individuals directly involved in drawing up the 1995 Framework Treaty on Democratic Security in Central America and in its enforcement, who was a main player in the historic circumstances that led to this treaty. The article is primarily intended to show the contribution made by this ambitious instrument to the new multidimensional model of hemispheric security that the Organization of American States (OAS) has been developing and which was successfully expressed in the OAS Special Conference on Security, held in Mexico City, Mexico on October 27-28, 2003, where this contribution made by Central America was widely recognized.
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The paper reviews the challenges of achieving a hemispheric-level consensus regarding security and defense. The authors detect two main difficulties: (a) the importance awarded by the different countries to their national security as a priority, and (b) the preeminence of the global security designs. In 2002 and 2003, the OAS discussed the notion of "Hemispheric Security." The 34 countries forming the organization drafted the "Declaration of Security in the Americas" as a result of Mexico's conference on October 27-28, 2003. Two notions of security were discussed during the negotiations: one of them mostly related to social, economic and governability problems, supported by many Caribbean and Latin American governments, called "multidimensional security;" and the other notion confined to issues such a cooperation against terrorism, drug trafficking, organized crime and the so-called "emerging threats," supported mainly by the United States. In addition, countries such as Canada have developed notions such as "human security." These problems result in a complex security and defense agenda, or a North-South agenda: the North worried about the new threats led by terrorism and the South concerned about development problems. Finally, the article reviews Mexico's contradictory position, trying to state its foreign policy principles in the hemispheric security debate, while being part of North America, and therefore, a neighbor of the United States.
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In the aftermath of September 11th many commentators expressed renewed concerns that the United States' reliance on the Middle East as a petroleum source made it politically and economically dependent upon an unstable region. Most of these observers also voiced a sense of pessimism about the United States' ability to change this situation. Yet in fact the United States' energy position is now stronger than it appears, and there is reason to believe that it will improve in the future, because of the growing importance of Canada as a source of petroleum. According to Canada's National Energy Board, Canada has the world's largest deposit of oil sands, which may equal or exceed the proven petroleum reserves of Saudi Arabia. Canada is already the largest exporter of petroleum to the United States, and its production will likely triple this decade. This will place renewed pressure on OPEC, weaken the political influence of Saudi Arabia and greatly strengthen the United States' energy position. This paper will describe the rapid changes in Canada's petroleum industry, and how this may affect the United States from a security perspective.
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The purpose of this paper is to discuss the principles that underlie the creation of an Inter-American System for Cooperation in Security and Defense Matters that would be utilized to respond to the new threats facing the hemisphere. The paper reviews the theoretical background of international regulations and of the Rio Treaty with a view to determining whether there is a current Inter-American system for cooperation in defense-related matters, or whether there is no such system and efforts need to be made in order to create it.
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