This presentation was offered at the conference on "Illicit Trafficking Activities in the Western Hemisphere: Possible Strategies and Lessons Learned" held by the Center for Hemispheric Defense Studies and the Office of National Drug Control Policy (ONDCP) on May 21, 2010.
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China's engagement with Latin America on satellites, space launch, and space technology is limited, but expanding rapidly, following the logic that China has followed in other strategically important sectors of incrementally building relationships, and leveraging initial opportunities to develop and prove capabilities. This article analyzes China's expanding relationship with Latin America in the arena in terms of four countries: (1) those with limited space capabilities not actively pursuing space programs, with whom the PRC has few space-related ties, (2) populist regimes such as Venezuela and Bolivia purchasing complete packages of PRC satellite systems and launch services, (3) other countries developing space capabilities, where China has sought to be a service provider or technology partner, including Argentina, Chile, Mexico, and Peru, and (4) Brazil as an emerging regional power with a multidimensional space program, which has cooperated with the PRC in both satellite development and launch through the CBERS program. In general, by leveraging business opportunities with Brazil and populist regimes of the region, the PRC is gaining a foothold in the commercial satellite and launch services market, with Chinese equipment, personnel, and space systems becoming part of Latin America's infrastructure, with significant implications for the US and the region.
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Brazil advanced the proposal for the South American Defense Council shortly before the summit that created UNASUR. It was approved a few months later on the occasion of another summit. The Defense Council is unprecedented in the region and challenges member states to design foreign policy together. Considering the history of security and defense arrangements in the hemisphere, Brazilian leadership in security and defense matters is an interesting new move towards regionalism. Besides the Council, during the Lula da Silva administration there have also been some other attempts at governance-building in and outside the region under Brazilian leadership. Since the theme of leadership is recurrent, especially since the military rule in Brazil, is there old wine in new bottles? Why Brazil? Why now?-these are the main research questions of this work, which also analyzes institution design and functions. Both the distinction and the connection between defense and security are explored together with an examination of both leadership and regionalism in Brazilian foreign policy and its recent move towards institution-building to deal with security and defense matters multilaterally. The paper suggests that whether the Council will be more inclined to deal with issues inside or outside the region is a key factor for the prospects of its effectiveness and endurance.
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The incorporation of women into terrorist groups has occurred in disparate ways and with commitments characterized by gradual rhythms. This paper approaches the problem heuristically from a culturalist perspective, which has as its explanatory axis the male-female relationship. It is found that women leaders of terrorist organizations, or protagonists of emblematic acts, are rather a rarity, except in the Salvadoran and German experiences; both with quasi-epic connotations. Among the explanatory keys, the environmental influence of the machismo of the time is proposed, especially in Latin America, and reflected both in the very beginnings of the Cuban guerrillas and later in the various insurrectional pockets. The environmental influence would act as a major inhibiting factor. At the same time, the proletarian internationalism that was the basis for the proliferation of such groups seems to have been, at its core, a male thing. There is no record of women (not even Cuban) fighting alongside the mythical Ché in Bolivia; nor is there any record of any revolutionary leader accompanying Guevara in his previous journeys to the Congo, Algeria and others. A second major finding aims at explaining the irruption of women as suicide bombers as a product for communicational consumption. The crudeness of this incorporation of women into the great Chechen and Palestinian terrorist causes is rather frightening and raises a very pertinent doubt as to whether this phase responds to a construct or to a reliable integration into the cause they appear to embrace.
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The next three decades will witness the most important geopolitical change of the last few centuries: the rise of Asian power and the restructuring of the system of international relations. This paper aims to show how, why and with what consequences a progressive transfer of influence and a shift of power centers towards the region is already taking place. In order to analyze this, the reasons behind the rise of the Asian group on the global scene and the structural changes brought about by its incorporation will be pointed out; the main instruments of projection towards the rest of the world will be studied and, in more detail, the strategic repercussions for the Americas of the emergence of a new system of international relations, the Eastphalian system, will be discussed.
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In this paper, we examine whether the 1990s neoliberal reforms, commonly known as the Washington Consensus, which many Latin American nations implemented, ultimately impacted US national security. Given the rise of leftist regimes in Argentina and Venezuela coupled with the distancing of former allies in Brazil and Chile, we ask whether these reforms, meant to strengthen US national security, harmed it instead. We briefly review the literature on the causes of the Latin American economic crises, which led to the Washington Consensus and explore the various methods of reform implementation in four countries of strategic interest to the United States: Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Venezuela. Examining whether the reforms, in general, were successful, we consider competing theories on the success (or the failure) of the reforms in these countries. Reviewing evidence on the reforms' impact on these nations, we discuss whether or not the reforms should be abandoned. We find that while stakeholders held competing objectives and divergent opinions existed on the scope, type, and speed of the reforms, the reforms appear to have improved economic growth and reduced poverty. We argue that, despite associating neoliberal reforms with increasing anti-American sentiment, Latin American support for free trade and other aspects of the neoliberal reforms remains strong. For this reason, we argue that the United States should reinvigorate support for these reforms.
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The current context is characterized by the increasing demand for "time necessary" for administering organizations and the limited supply of "time available." This relationship requires proper time management on middle and high levels of administration, particularly within complex organizations. Time management is an art, which, based on correct decision-making, needs competent individuals who are able to deal with their responsibilities. Properly-planned continuing education favors this process and promotes a virtuous circle for successfully finding the solution to unstructured problems.
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In Latin America, the purchase of military equipment has experienced increasing complexity and difficulty, due to the dizzying technological advances that have been incorporated into the means of war. Because of the complexity and sophistication of equipment and materials, we are dealing with an integrated arms system that must necessarily interact with other systems. The greater amount of technology that has been incorporated makes it possible to increase the lethal capacity of arms systems and, therefore, increase the military capacity of a military force. In addition, this greater sophistication has increased, all the more, the technological gap between industrialized countries and developing countries, such as in Latin America, where the process of purchasing such equipment is more common. Faced with this situation, the most likely materiel to be purchased must be meticulously evaluated and analyzed, in order to prevent inefficiencies and fruitless expenditures, since funds are always scarce. This is the reason why it is so important to structure efficient methodologies, in order to evaluate the technical effectiveness of arms systems and the costs associated with them.
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