This article examines the often contentious role that human rights promotion has played in US foreign policy in Latin America. As a longtime interloper from the North, the United States has employed many different strategies, often resulting in the election to participate in foreign countries' domestic conflicts in aid to one side or another. With regard to human rights, the fact of the matter is that the United States has failed to adopt as many human rights treaties as many other South or Central American nations have. In a globalized world more closely linked than ever before, nations are adopting human rights practices that promise to prevent injustices from occurring as they did in the past, a welcome break from the violent past in Latin America. For myriad reasons, including domestic pressures and belief in "American Exceptionalism," the United States has dodged full participation in many international legal and human rights documents, but this practice has already started to harm international cooperation with and perception of US goals abroad. The author concludes his analysis by suggesting that the United States reconsider its earlier defiance against making human rights a fully fledged tenet of its foreign policy in favor of a new, more cooperative stance.
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The purpose of this research is to determine, from a systemic perspective, how the activities of organized crime in the country are affecting its governance and governability. The author proposes that: Currently in El Salvador organized crime (OC) in its eagerness to increase its profits, control of trafficking routes and markets has become a strategic actor whose activities are affecting the country's governance and governability by destabilizing its political, economic and social spheres. This research presents a comprehensive study of the dynamics in which OC networks are immersed and the negative effects of their activities in El Salvador. At the same time, it identifies the vulnerabilities of the Salvadoran state, as well as the weak points through which these nefarious organizations are permeating its structures and institutions. The author concludes by saying that the Salvadoran State, despite its efforts, does not respond to the requirements and security needs of the population and that the continuation of this course will lead it to gradually lose legitimacy, until it enters a crisis of governability. He proposes that the way to overcome this vicious dynamic is to resort to all available resources, including private security, duly controlled and regulated.
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