This paper examines the threat of cyber espionage to the national security of the United States. Cyber espionage in this paper focuses on the theft of information via the Internet, networks, or individual computers. It is just one facet of the larger cyber threat landscape to be considered by national security professionals. The threat exists to government and commercial interests. This paper uses the Risk Analysis Methodology of the Department of Homeland Security as discussed in the Congressional Research Service Report to Congress (Masse, O'Neill, & Rollins, 2007). This approach to risk considers the factors of threat, vulnerability, and consequences. The formulation is then considered in light of recent incidents such as GhostNet and Google. Finally, the paper proposes possible technical and policy options for leaders to implement to mitigate the risk to national security from cyber espionage.
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The spread of such transnational gangs as Mara Salvatrucha presents an ongoing threat to the security and stability of Central America. These gangs have proven remarkably adaptive, moving up the ladder of criminal enterprises since their inception in the late 1980s in Southern California. The model of the "three generations" of gangs has provided a clear picture of their past and given a glimpse into their future operations. This model combined with the increasing influence of the Mexican Cartels, the globalization of the Maras, and the new sophistication of Maras modus operandi demonstrate an even more dangerous threat to regional security: the possibility of increasingly sophisticated and cohesive Maras becoming more closely allied with the Mexican Cartels, or perhaps developing their own Cartel-like system in Central America.
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Brazil advanced the proposal for the South American Defense Council shortly before the summit that created UNASUR. It was approved a few months later on the occasion of another summit. The Defense Council is unprecedented in the region and challenges member states to design foreign policy together. Considering the history of security and defense arrangements in the hemisphere, Brazilian leadership in security and defense matters is an interesting new move towards regionalism. Besides the Council, during the Lula da Silva administration there have also been some other attempts at governance-building in and outside the region under Brazilian leadership. Since the theme of leadership is recurrent, especially since the military rule in Brazil, is there old wine in new bottles? Why Brazil? Why now?-these are the main research questions of this work, which also analyzes institution design and functions. Both the distinction and the connection between defense and security are explored together with an examination of both leadership and regionalism in Brazilian foreign policy and its recent move towards institution-building to deal with security and defense matters multilaterally. The paper suggests that whether the Council will be more inclined to deal with issues inside or outside the region is a key factor for the prospects of its effectiveness and endurance.
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This work proposes a conflict-analysis methodology, supported by a solid conceptual framework for formulating security policy and strategy. The differential in the methodology, already successfully applied in several countries, lies in a sophisticated deconstruction of the decision-making environment along seven axes of analysis and its subsequent reconstruction, while simultaneously developing trend projections, to identify the critical dynamics of areas of insecurity. The methodology was developed to be applied collaboratively by specialists in the various fields of expertise connected with security, and is easily adaptable to each country's specific policy and strategy-making practice.
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Strategic communications is a key means of gaining acceptance of one's ideas, policies or courses of action. As such it plays a critical role in helping the United States to reinforce understanding of its values and culture — including support for its ideas, policies and courses of action — both within its war-fighting establishment and by the rest of the world. This article examines the historical actions of military chaplains to shed light on a critical aspect of their work; their ministries as strategic communications platforms from which they carry out a pastoral role while offering, as valued members of the military inner circle, religious, moral, spiritual and ethical advice to leadership, both at the strategic and tactical levels. It examines the role of the American military chaplaincy as a strategic communications phenomenon that predates the concept itself. A buzzword emanating from the 1990s that gained even greater currency in the September 11, 2001 global "war of ideas" — "strategic communications" might appear to be a new concept. Yet for centuries military chaplains have labored as strategic communicators in an effort to win support within the armed forces for their countries' national policy and doctrine.
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The national security implications of pandemic influenza have immeasurable social costs, but also important are the quantifiable economic costs. We estimated the possible macroeconomic effects of the next influenza pandemic on the Jamaican economy and analyzed the economic impact of vaccine-based interventions. The estimated economic impact would be approximately JA$2.6B, excluding disruptions to commerce and society. Loss in man hours is estimated over a two (2) week work period at approximately 15M hours using an estimated average attack rate of 17% across the leading economic sectors. With vaccination cost per patient ranging between US$18 to as high as US$59, the overall cost of vaccinating members of the estimated labour force who might be exposed to an attack is as high as JA$917M. We therefore project a net savings to the society if persons within the labour force are vaccinated. Critical among the labour force are public and corporate security. Public safety and public order are paramount during an outbreak of pandemic influenza.
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The new guerrilla group known as the Paraguayan People's Army, or EPP, is unique as a Marxist insurgency against a Marxist-sympathetic populist government. Although still small they appear to be growing. The evidence indicates that EPP is a serious group that has been in development for more than twenty years. They have an ideology and a strategic plan that they are systematically carrying out. They are anything but amateurs. They have acquired training and assistance from the Colombian FARC, if not others. They have built up funds through bank robberies and kidnappings, and gradually they are expanding their operations. While sometimes referred to as a "foquista" movement, the comparison falls short. What distinguishes EPP is the significant support base they have systematically built up among the radical elements of the Paraguayan rural peasantry, particularly in the north of the country. So far the state has responded by sending contingents of policemen and soldiers to cordon off and search rural areas in San Pedro and Concepcion. These operations appear to have produced little result. This article discusses the EPP's history and dynamics.
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William J. Perry Center